August 4, 2009
The Associated Press  reports today that the supposed North Carolina terrorism suspects may be tried with secret evidence. The case may involve “classified material that will raise national security issues if given to their defense attorneys,” federal prosecutors told the AP. The men charged in the case are to appear in federal court on Tuesday.
The government filed a motion under the Classified Information Procedures Act (CIPA), which sets guidelines for the disclosure of sensitive information. CIPA is not intended to infringe on a defendant’s right to a fair trial or to change the existing rules of evidence in criminal procedure, but it appears that is precisely what will happen if the government is permitted to keep evidence secret in the case.
In 1996, the government used CIPA in its prosecution of Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols in the Oklahoma City bombing trial (see McVeigh’s 3/96 Memo Summarizing The Classified Information Procedures Act ; see also Stephen Jones’ Others Unknown , p.133). In 2007, Nichols revealed that McVeigh was connected to government provocateurs .
It is entirely possible a similar situation exists in the North Carolina case. The AP notes:
Prosecutors haven’t said whether the terror suspects had any specific timelines or targets, although the indictment said some of them went on trips over the past three years to Jordan, Kosovo, Pakistan and Israel “to engage in violent jihad.” The indictment said the elder >strong>Boyd received terrorist training in Pakistan and Afghanistan two decades ago and, more recently, recruited followers in North Carolina. (Emphasis added.)
It is a well-established fact these training camps were funded by the Saudis at the behest of the CIA and managed by Pakistan’s ISI. As documented by Jason Burke (Al Qaeda: The true story of Radical Islam , p. 77-78), numerous camps were built at Zhawar Khili, Jali, Pabbi, Khaldan, Ali Khel, Tora Bora and elsewhere along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border.
The training camps were maintained by a handful of Mujahideen, including Osama bin Laden (his primary camps were named Badr I and Badr II) and Gulbuddin Heckmatyar, a trusted CIA-ISI asset that received a lion’s share of covert funding. In the 1980s, CIA officials often visited these camps, according to research conducted by B. Raman  of the South Asia Analysis Group.
Ahmed Rashid, author of Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia , estimates that after 1982 more than 100,000 Muslims from dozens of countries received political or military training in the CIA-backed camps of Pakistan and Afghanistan. Recruits included Arabs, Pakistanis, Kashmiris, Filippinos, Bosnian Muslims, Uighurs from Xinjiang in China.
According to the current Secretary of Defense, Robert Gates, in the mid-80s the CIA examined ways to increase the participation of these internationally recruited Islamic fighters, including the formation of some sort of “international brigade” (see Steve Coll, Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001 , p. 146).
A brigade of patsies and useful idiots, specicially organized to put a face on false flag terrorism, would later be created, dubbed “al-Qaeda” (after a Mujahideen database) and used for propaganda purposes in the manufactured GWOT, or “global war on terrorism,” designed as a pretext to destroy societies in the Middle East unamenable to the bankers and also construct a police state and pervasive surveillance apparatus at home.
According federal prosecutors, Daniel Patrick Boyd are others were present at these CIA-ISI micro-managed camps in the late 80s. It appears there is something related to their presence in Afghanistan and Pakistan federal prosecutors want to keep secret and not have introduced during the trial. Is it possible the government wants to prevent any mention of the possibility Boyd and his alleged co-conspirators are in fact CIA operatives or more likely duped patsies and mental deficients?
If so, it would hardly be a historical precedent.